Snoras owned more than 60 percent stake in Latvijas Krajbanka, which was Latvia's oldest bank at the time. Lithuanian prosecutors point out that sufficient evidence was collected during the pre-trial investigation to prove the suspects' guilt in committing the crimes. Baranauskas and Antonov are likely to be tried in absentia as they are hiding in Russia, which refuses to provide legal assistance to Lithuania. The pre-trial investigation into suspected misappropriation of Snoras' assets, fraudulent accounting, document forgery, abuse of office, embezzlement and money laundering was launched in Lithuania back in Select text and press Report a mistake to send a suggested correction to the editor.
Please be aware that the LSM portal uses cookies. Children less than sixteen years old only 10 percent each, This system of wages is even worse than egalitarianism. It kills both production and the family. In Madrid there are up to fifty thousand construction workers. Caballero refused to mobilize all of them for building fortifications around Madrid "and what will they eat" and gave a total of a thousand men for building the fortifications.
In Estremadura our Comrade Deputy Cordon is fighting heroically. He could arm five thousand peasants but he has a detachment of only four thousand men total. Caballero under great pressure agreed to give Cordon two hundred rifles, as well. Meanwhile, from Estremadura, Franco could easily advance into the rear, toward Madrid. Caballero implemented an absolutely absurd compensation for the militia - ten pesetas a day, besides food and housing.
Farm labourers in Spain earn a total of two pesetas a day and, feeling very good about the militia salary in the rear, do not want to go to the front. With that, egalitarianism was introduced. Only officer specialists receive a higher salary. A proposal made to Caballero to pay soldiers at the rear five pesetas and only soldiers at the front ten pesetas was turned down. Caballero is now disposed to put into effect the institution of political commissars, but in actual fact it is not being done.
In fact, the political commissars introduced into the Fifth Regiment have been turned into commanders, for there are none of the latter.
Caballero also supports the departure of the government from Madrid. After the capture of Toledo, this question was almost decided, but the anarchists were categorically against it, and our people proposed that the question be withdrawn as inopportune.
Caballero stood up for the removal of the government to Cartagena. They proposed sounding out the possibility of basing the government in Barcelona. Two ministers - Prieto and Jimenez de Asua - left for talks with the Barcelona government. The Barcelona government agreed to give refuge to the central government. Caballero is sincere but is a prisoner to syndicalist habits and takes the statutes of the trade unions too literally.
The UGT is now the strongest organization in Catalonia: it has no fewer than half the metallurgical workers and almost all the textile workers, municipal workers, service employees, bank employees. There are abundant links to the peasantry. But the CNT has much better cadres and has many weapons, which were seized in the first days the anarchists sent to the front fewer than 60 percent of the thirty thousand rifles and three hundred machine guns that they seized.
My conversations with Garcia Oliver and with several other CNT members, and their latest speeches, attest to the fact that the leaders of the CNT have an honest and serious wish to concentrate all forces in a strengthened united front and on the development of military action against the fascists.
This kind of suggestion was taken by leaders of the FAI as simply a tactical maneuver. Comrade Valdes and Comrade Sese did not hide from me that the just-mentioned suggestion was meant to "talk to the masses of the CNT over the heads of their leaders. The PSUC leaders-designate agreed with me that such tactics were completely wrong and expressed their intention to change them.
I propose that we get together in the near future with a limited number of representatives of the CNT and the FAI to work out a concrete program for our next action. In the near future, the PSUC intends to bring forward the question on reorganizing the management of military industry. At this point the Committee on Military Industry works under the chairmanship of Tarradellas, but the.
The PSUC proposes to put together leadership from representatives from all of the organizations, to group the factories by specialty, and to place at the head of each group a commissar, who would answer to the government. Caballero's attitude toward the question of attracting the CNT into that or any other form of government betrays his obstinate incomprehension of that question's importance.
The information concerning the intentions of the Madrid government for a timely evacuation from Madrid was confirmed. This widely disseminated information undermines confidence in the central government to an extraordinary degree and paralyzes the defense of Madrid. The dispatch of aid to Madrid is proceeding with difficulty. The question about it was put before the military adviser on 5 November.
The adviser thought it possible to remove the entire Durruti detachment from the front. This unit, along with the Karl Marx Division, is considered to have the greatest fighting value. To put Durruti out of action, a statement was issued by the commander of the Karl Marx Division, inspired by us, about sending this division to Madrid it was difficult to take the division out of battle, and, besides, the PSUC did not want to remove it from the Catalan front for political reasons. However, Durruti refused point-blank to carry out the order for the entire detachment, or part of it, to set out for Madrid.
Immediately, it was agreed with President Companys and the military adviser to secure the dispatch of the mixed Catalan column from detachments of various parties. A meeting of the commanders with the detachments on the Aragon front was called for 6 November, with our participation.
After a short report about the situation near Madrid, the commander of the Karl Marx Division declared that his division was ready to be sent to Madrid. Durruti was up in arms against sending reinforcements to Madrid, sharply attacked the Madrid government, "which was preparing for defeat," called Madrid's situation hopeless, and concluded that Madrid had a purely political significance - and not a strategic one. This kind of attitude on the part of Durruti, who enjoys exceptional influence over all of anarcho syndicalist Catalonia that is at the front, must be smashed at all costs.
It was necessary to interfere in a firm way. And Durruti gave in, declaring that he could give Madrid a thousand select fighters. After a passionate speech by the anarchist Santillan, he agreed to give two thousand and immediately issued an order that his neighbour on the front Ortiz give another two thousand, Ascaso another thousand, and the Karl Marx division a thousand.
Durruti was silent about the Left Republicans, although the chief of their detachment declared that he could give a battalion. In all, sixty-eight hundred bayonets are shaping up for dispatch no later than 8 November.
Durruti then and there put his deputy at the head of the mixed detachment Durruti agreed to form it as a "Catalan division". Search for researchers:. Search for research:. Professor Vladimir Antonov. Professor Vladimir Antonov Professor in Nanophysics. The senior Antonov was in the spotlight in , when he miraculously survived an assasination attempt in Russia. Soon after the Snoras collapse, details of suspected fraud began leaking out to Lithuanian media.
It appeared that the bank had vacuumed up luxury properties both in Lithuania and abroad. Snoras reportedly owned luxury real estate in Vilnius and a mansion in Nice. Early in , Lithuanian authorities had moved to prevent Antonov from draining his bank. Obviously, the bank and its shareholders did not notify the Bank of Lithuania about such illegal operations, including the operations with Meinl Bank and Melfa Group. Also, with little effect. In , Antonov is said to have transferred more than million euros from banks in Lithuania, Latvia and Ukraine to his Melfa Group Limited, which had an address in Belize City and an account with Meinl Bank.
One particular series of transactions, showing the circuitous route taken by 11 million euros sheds light on how the system worked. On September 7, — 10 weeks before its collapse — Snoras opened a correspondent bank account at Meinl in Vienna. On September 29, Meinl recorded an incoming payment of eleven million euros to this account. In fact, the money was immediately sent on to another company, Bandiron Corporation Limited, with an address in Nicosia, Cyprus.
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